Bu çalışma Cumhuriyetçi seçkinlerin aslında uzlaşmaz görünen “ulusal özü korumak” ve “topyekûn modernleşme” hedeflerini uzlaştırma çabalarını Güneş Dil Teorisi deneyimi ışığında sorunsallaştırmaktadır. Diğer dünya dillerinin Türkçe’den doğduğunu iddia eden Güneş Dil Teorisi, genellikle tek parti döneminin resmi milliyetçiliğinin ırkçılığın kıyısında dolaştığının göstergelerinden biri olarak değerlendirilmiştir. Nitekim, Orta Asya’dan geldiği varsayılan Türk ırkına yaptığı göndermelerle bu teori dönemin seçkinleri arasında hakim olan ırkçı havayı yansıtmaktadır. Ancak bu teoriyi Kemalist milliyetçiliğin ırkçı eğilimlerinin basit bir tezahürü olarak değerlendirmek eksik bir okuma olacaktır. Söz konusu ırkçı eğilimlerin yanı sıra, Güneş Dil Teorisi özelinde Türk dili üzerine yapılan tartışmalar, Cumhuriyetçi seçkinlerinin “Batılılaşma” ve “millileşme” hedefleri arasındaki kaygan sınırı idare etme çabalarına hakim olan pragmatist yaklaşımı yansıtmaktadır. “Ulusal öz”e sahip olma iddialarını sürdürmek ve modernleşme projelerini meşrulaştırmak zorunda olan Cumhuriyetçi seçkinler Güneş Dil Teorisi’nde onları bu ikilemden kurtaracak pragmatist bir yol bulmuşlardır.
Anahtar Kelimeler:Milliyetçilik, Dil Planlaması, Kemalizm, Irkçılık, Ulusal Kimlik
“Düzen” ve “adalet” kavramları arasındaki ilişki özellikle İngiliz Okulu’ndan Hedley Bull tarafından 1970’lerden itibaren derinlemesine ele alınmış ve kendisini takip eden yazarlarca daha sonraki senelerde de tartışılmıştır. Söz konusu iki kavram arasındaki ilişki Soğuk Savaş döneminde düzenin önceliği olarak net bir şekilde tanımlanırken, Soğuk Savaş sonrası dönemde bu kadar net bir şekilde tanımlamamaktadır. Gerçekten de objektif bir tanımı yapılabilen düzen ve objektif olarak tanımı yapılması zor olan adalet kavramları, her ne kadar birbirlerini tamamlasa da (zira “düzen”, Bull tarafından sosyal hayatın nihai değerlerinden biri olan “adalet”e ulaşılması için bir önkoşuldur), günümüzde uluslararası platformdaki tercihlerde çoğu kez bir ikileme /çıkmaza neden olmaktadır. Soğuk Savaş sonrası dönemde uluslararası sistemde yaşanan değişiklikler Türk dış politikasındaki tercihleri de doğal olarak etkilemektedir. Bu çalışmadaki amacımız düzen kavramının tanımı ve adaletle ilişkisi bağlamında, Türk dış politikasının Arap baharı karşısındaki durumunu analiz etmektir. Türkiye’nin Orta Doğu’da hızla yayılan bu hareketlenme karşısındaki tutumu, “düzen”, “adalet” ve de en önemlisi bu iki kavram arasındaki ilişki bakımından ne anlama gelmektedir? Çalışmamızda bu sorunun cevabını bulmayı umuyoruz.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Düzen ve Adalet, Türk Dış Politikası, Arap Baharı
Reviewed by Sheila Pelizzon
Dambisa Moyo, How the West Was Lost: Fifty Years of Economic Folly and the Stark Choices Ahead (London: Allen Lane, 2011, pp. 197, end-notes to each chapter).
The new international situation after the cold war made
Turkey a far more active and pragmatic player. Nowadays, energy security is a
growing concern in the Turkish foreign policy. Turkey is one of the world’s
fastest growing energy markets and importer of energy resources. The country’s
geographic location made it play a special role in international relations. It
is a natural bridge connecting Europe and the Caspian and Middle Eastern energy
producing states. Turkey’s aim is to participate in the EU’s energy policy as a
center of transit and distribution of oil and gas. It will make possible for
the European Union to avoid the energy transmission through Russia. It is anticipated
that 6 to 7% of global oil supply will be transported via Turkey by 2012 and
that Ceyhan will become a major energy hub and the largest oil outlet terminal
in the Eastern Mediterranean. In this way Turkey wants to speed up its
integration with the European Union. EU will probably systematically include
Turkey in developing its energy strategy.
Keywords: Energy, Mediterranean Region, Security, Strategy
This article focuses on the challenges that the political and constitutional development of European Union (EU) poses to the neo-realist paradigm. European integration constitutes a unique experiment in international integration and, especially since the mid-1980s, in large-scale polity-formation. Moreover, a “security community” in the sense of Deutsch has emerged among the component polities of the EU, something that comes in stark contrast to the Hobbesian view of international politics as an arena within which power-hungry states find themselves in constant competition with each other. Instead, the EU represents a unique exercise in peaceful voluntary integration and has played a crucial role in the transformation of the domestic orders of the component states, shaping their interests and behaviour, while contributing to a reconceptualisation of state sovereignty. It thus challenges the explanatory power of state-centric neo-realism. Also, the building of a European polity challenges the unitary character of the state – an assumption underlying most realist premises – as questions of subnational representation and mobilisation are now part of the EU’s system of governance. Hence, a multilevel polity has emerged in Europe characterised by complex patterns of interaction among state and non-state actors. The proposed study, by examining normative discourses on European polity-formation, challenges the analytical validity of the neo-realist paradigm and raises the question for new theoretical orientations in international relations of post bipolar Europe.
Keywords: European Integration, Neorealism, European Union, State
Elem Eyrice Tepeciklioğlu
Mediterranean is the birthplace of different ancient cultures and civilizations, however, the countries in the opposite shores of this sea share historically distinct political, cultural and socio-economic characteristics. Despite these differences, increasingly rising scholars as well as politicians emphasize the need to promote cooperation and socio-cultural dialogue in the region which is expected to eventually lead to the emergence of a Mediterranean community. Within the context of this article, the possibility of the establishment of such a formation will be analyzed by elaborating the major obstacles on the emergence of this community and on a fruitful mutual dialogue. The main question of the study, therefore, will be to what extent the internal as well as external dynamics have an influence on the development of this regional partnership process. The role of international organizations in coordinating regional co-operation and facilitating the appearance of the Mediterranean community along with the different views as the northern African perspectives on the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) process –through Barcelona Process which was evolved into the Union for the Mediterranean (UfM)- is also a great concern of this article. It will be concluded that it is not possible to create a Mediterranean community in the very near future even though international institutions can play a significant role in yielding security, stability and a firm regional cooperation in the Mediterranean littoral.
Keywords: Barcelona Process, Union for the Mediterranean, Euro-
Mediterranean Partnership, Mediterranean Community, Regional Integration.
Since the Cold War, jazz has been inextricably linked with US cultural identity, foreign policy, and international relations. Since its inception, jazz has been linked to African Americans living in the US. The exportation of legendary African American jazzmen such as Louis Armstrong and Duke Ellington during the Cold War period is well documented but what of their particular style of jazz? Armstrong and Ellington used the blues to ground their compositions artistically and also as part of a self-conscious effort to keep the traditions of African Americans in contemporary consciousness. What is it about the hybrid, blues-based jazz, which captivated audiences internationally? In what ways does the blues influence swing, their preferred form of jazz? This essay moves towards a definition of blues-based jazz, describes the cultural significance of the hybrid form, and identifies its pervasiveness in areas previously undocumented.
Keywords: Jazz, Blues, National Identity, Train Whistle, Diplomacy
The “practice turn” in International Relations is a promising development which can be linked both to the Aristotelian notion of practical wisdom and the classical realist virtue of “prudence”. There are family resemblances here, here but also differences; for Aristotle and the realists, practical wisdom is associated more with the intellect, while the practice turn places great emphasis on the role of habitual behaviour. The practice turn offers an alternative to neopositivist conceptions of the conduct of social enquiry – but the classical realists could argue that they have already trodden this route in the past. Still, the implications of Aristotle’s comment that “prudent young people do not seem to be found” need to be confronted. Is “competent practice” something that can be achieved by study, or is it only achievable in the context of the kind of lived experience that some of the classical realists could claim, but which few modern students of International Relations can aspire to.
Keywords: Practice, Prudence, Realism, Bourdieu, Morgenthau
Kees Van der Pijl
In this paper, based on the keynote speech at the METU Conference on Rethinking International Relations, 15-17 June 2011, I argue that academic discipline functions as an extension of the class/state discipline on the population. Disciplinary division of labour in academia began when the classical political economy perspective, which had been turned into a political programme of the labour movement by Marx, was reformulated as marginalism in the late 19th century. International Relations (IR) after World War I was also turned into an academic specialisation, targeting, along with the Russian Revolution, the critique of imperialism. The third part of the paper discusses how the ostracism of Marxism has entailed deleting the crucial Kant-Hegel-Marx transition in philosophy from static antinomy to historical dialectics. As a result social science stagnates into a repetition of identical positions under new labels. What this entails will be discussed by taking the example of Andrew Abbott’s argument about “syncresis”. The paper concludes with a brief outline of a historical materialist alternative to the mainstream IR canon.
Keywords: Western Hegemony, International Relations, Social Discipline,
Reviewed by Eyüp Özveren
Dimitar Bechev and Kalypso Nicolaidis (eds.) Mediterranean Frontiers: Border, Conflict and Memory in a Transnational World. (London: I. B. Tauris, 2010, pp. 251).